Thursday, 9 February 2017

School House Canadiana: A look at the One Room School House of Ontario

12fd746dedf9f6cf9f4bafd262cba574.jpg (488×318)
https://www.pinterest.com/pin/118993615128475382/
Introduction
            The one-room schoolhouse is an institution that is linked with Canada’s educational history.  In rural areas they were a site to educate students of various ages in the nineteenth century.  Works of literature, such as Ralph Connor’s Glengarry School Days, provide insight into the life of the one-room school house through the use of fictional, yet realistic scenarios.  According to historian Paul Axelrod:
One-room schoolhouse was “where a single teacher taught students of all ages and various academic levels, characterized rural education throughout Canada well into the twentieth century. Securing teachers, let alone well qualified ones, plagued educational authorities, compounding the problem of irregular attendance. …Even where available, country schools were not always accessible.  Poor weather and ill health, in addition to farm labour, could keep children from trekking up to two miles a day to and from class.[1]
Education in this section of Ontario’s school system had particular methods in ensuring students were taught, which had to be tested through examinations.  To keep students in line, teachers resorted to corporal punishment in order maintain control in the classroom.  In addition to this, teachers had to face the growing changes in teaching during the later part of the nineteenth century.  The goal of this paper will be to study the aspects of the one-room schoolhouse, using the book Glengarry School Days as a way of providing a better understanding each aspect.  In studying the case of the one-room schoolhouse, one can observe the development of education in Ontario.
All in the Method
            First, in looking at the one-room schoolhouse, it is important to examine the teaching methods utilized.  Education in these schoolhouses during the late Victorian era were imbedded with the ideals of “morality, patriotism, and utility.”[2]  Students sat in large classes and were divided into different academic levels, also known as grades or forms, in order to measure their academic levels and to provide them with “mountains of culturally suitable information.”[3]  This was influenced by the theory of mental discipline where:
…[k]nowledge was rigidly compartmentalized in a way that fit scientific notions of how one learned …the brain was divided into discrete sections, facilitating memory, reasoning, imagination, and morality.  To avoid a distorted intellectual and social development, the student must be taught a precise quantity of reading, arithmetic, geography, and science in exactly the right order.[4]
This system of organized and orderly education meant students were to commit to memory facts from different subjects in class and repeating them to the teacher in a “sing-song chant.”[5]
This would have been demonstrated in most schools, though in some cases teachers would resort to more competitive means of education.  In Ralph Connor’s Glengarry School Days, the first teacher introduced, Archibald “Archie” Munro, allows his children to spend the final hour of the day to participate in a spelling match when it is proposed by Hughie Murray, the minister’s son.[6]  Munro’s motivation to allow this game was to relief himself from some leg pain from an old injury.[7]
Like many teachers of this time, Munro had to face the difficulty of not only keeping the students’ attention, but also teaching a mixture of different subjects to students.  During the nineteenth century, the standard for textbooks in Canada West, later Ontario, was the Irish National Readers.  These readers were designed as versatile entries to subjects such as reading and mathematics, with older students being introduced to geography, geometry and agricultural science, and were organized into grades based on age and developing ability.[8]  They found their way to the Ontario elementary school system by Edgerton Ryerson, first Assistant Superintendent of Education for Upper Canada (Ontario) in 1844 and later Chief Superintendent in 1846.[9]  Ryerson traveled across the United States and Europe to understand how other educational systems worked; it was during this study that Ryerson met Lord Stanley, the United Kingdom’s Colonial Secretary and the architect of Ireland’s education system, whose influence led Ryerson to develop Ontario’s education system with similar characteristics of the Irish system.[10]
A common issue one-room schoolhouses faced was student attendance.  Though poor weather conditions and illness prevented students from traveling “up to two miles a day to and from class,”[11] in most cases students missed school due to the demands of farm labour.  This was because the main responsibility of both boy and girls of rural Ontario was to play a part in maintaining the family farm.  Despite the introduction of the public school and centralized inspection, parents still saw that their children put their work on the farm above schooling.[12]  Due to the view of the parents, attendance became based on the season, such as most children being absent during “productive times of the year, when every extra hand was valuable.”[13]
Another occurrence teachers had to get through was the time of examinations.  In Glengarry School Days, the examination day is described as the “great school event of the year” and that it was “the social function of the Section as well.”[14]  The chapter titled “The Examination” provides an example of the seriousness of the examination with the example of the reading lesson:
The reading lesson was Fitz-Greene Halleck’s “Marco Bozzaris,” a selection of considerable dramatic power, and calling for a somewhat spirited rendering.  The master [Archibald Munro] would not have chosen this lesson, but he had laid the rule that there was no special drilling of the pupils for an exhibition, but that the school should be seen doing its every-day work; and in the reading, the lessons for the previous day were to be those of the examination day.  By evil fortune, the reading for the day was the dramatic “Marco Bozzaris.”  The master shivered inwardly as he thought of the possibility of Thomas Finch, with his stolidly monotonous voice, being called upon to read the thrilling lines recording the panic-stricken death-cry of the Turck…  But Thomas, by careful plodding, had climbed to fourth place and the danger lay in the third verse.[15]
In this excerpt, Munro is concerned over a student’s reading ability during the examination.  This would have been because the result of that student’s reading could affect his reputation as a teacher.  During this time, teachers had to establish themselves professionally in the community,[16] if Munro wanted to continue having his image of professionalism established he would have to make sure his students were successful in the examination.
Sparring the Rod
            The most controversial aspect of education in the urban and rural schools of Ontario was the discipline of students.  It is important to first of all note that the not all teachers resorted to corporal punishment.  In some cases, teachers would resort to “positive reinforcement” such as befriending students and their families to establish respect and authority or rewarding students for good behaviour.[17]  At the Twentieth school, Archibald Munro was able to gain the students respect as a teacher.  This was caused when a student named Bob Fraser “answered back.”[18]  Munro was about to use the strap on Fraser when he suddenly said: “No Robert, you are too big to thrash.  You are a man.  No man should strike you – and I apologize.”[19]  Fraser then apologised for his disobedience and at that moment “Archibald Munro’s rule was firmly established.”[20]  Munro had been able to establish himself as a fair teacher by how he handled the situation.  Rather than carrying out striking Fraser with the strap, Munro decides to point out that Fraser is nearly “a man” and should not be hit, which means he should learn to respect those in authority.
            When Munro left the Twentieth, he is replaced as with a teacher only referred to by Connor as the “New Master.”  The New Master’s approach to discipline to students was much different “for the master was quick of temper, and was determined at all costs to exact full and prompt obedience.”[21]  This meant he preferred to use corporal punishment.  In one case he punished a student named Jimmie Cameron for having a nervous giggle.[22]  The master then ordered Jimmie to hold out his hand so it could be hit with the strap and Jimmie refused.[23]  In response:
The master stepped forward, grasping the little boy’s arm, tried to pull his hand to the front; but Jimmie, with a roar like a young bull, threw himself flat on his face on the floor and put his hands under him. […] …[the master] lifted [Jimmie] from the floor and tried to pull out his hand.  But Jimmie kept his arms folded tight across his breast, roaring vigorously the while, and saying over and over, “Go away from me! Go away from me I tell you! I’m not taking anything to do with you.” […] Whack! came the heavy strap over his shoulders.  Jamie set up his refrain. […] Whack! wack! wack! fell the strap with successive blows, each heavier than the last.[24]
Though it was stated earlier that not all teachers would resort to the use of corporal punishment, it was still a common practice among schools in both rural and urban settings.  Teachers had been given the ability to and regularly did use corporal punishment as a means to “establish and sustain order in large and growing classrooms.”[25]  With these point noted, one can see the reasoning behind the new master.  As he considered maintaining order inside his classroom, the master refused to allow the nervous giggle of Jimmie Cameron to go unnoticed.  Preferring to use fear as a way to maintain this order, the master used the strap to punish Jimmie, which led to Jimmie refusing to let out his arm to be stuck.  Desperate to maintain his order, the master chose to continue to strike Jimmie with the strap, believing he would be able to maintain order as teacher.
            Meanwhile, many prominent officials did not see force as the only way of maintaining order.  They argued that using corporal punishment would not create an obedient citizenry but it would be through a “robust, peaceful, and morally grounded community.”[26]  In 1847, Egerton Ryerson argued:
Though punishment is sometimes necessary, where moral influence has done utmost, the conscience is, in all ordinary cases, an infinitely better disciplinarian than the rod.  When you can get children in a School to obey and study, because it is a right, and from a conviction of accountability to God, you have gained a victory, which is worth more than all of the penal statutes in the world.[27]
Despite this call for teachers to resort to peaceful means over force as a way of discipline, it was still not discussed in legislature.  It was not until 1891 that discipline was given any lingual description in the Department of Education Act.[28]  The act gave an “idealized expression” of discipline in the form of “in loco parentis,” meaning that teachers served in substitute of the parent in disciplining students in schools.[29]   Other than the mention of in loco parentis, the Ontario Education Act did not make any direct mention of corporal punishment nor the use of physical punishment for that matter.  However, the Canadian Criminal Code and a number of legal cases had been better able to outline the limits of using reasonable force on students.[30]  This meant teachers could only be found criminally responsible if the force used “resulted in the ‘permanent injury’ of a student, ‘was too sever for the offence or was inflicted with malice thereby rendering such punishment to be not in good faith.’”[31]  With this considered, the master could have been held criminally responsible for his actions, not only for hitting Jimmie the way he did with the leather strap, but for also hitting a defenceless student when the minister arrived at the school.[32]
New Fangled Way of Teaching
            Finally, toward the end of the nineteenth century, teaching underwent several changes.  Glengarry’s Twentieth school was not an exception to these changes, which came in the form of the teacher John Craven.  Craven differed in how he taught his students, mainly by the fact that he did not “take his school-teaching seriously.”[33]  Craven also introduced a different approach to his teaching methods:
[John Craven] knew absolutely nothing of pedagogical method, and consequently he ignored all rules and precedents in the teaching and conduct of the school. … He had a feeling that all lessons were a bore, therefore he would assign the shortest and easiest tasks.  But having assigned the tasks, he expected perfection in recitation, an impressed his pupils with the idea that nothing less would pass. […] …[I]n a reading lesson he would rouse himself at times, and by his utterance of a single line make the whole school sit erect.  Friday afternoon he gave up to what he called “the cultivation of the finer arts.”  On that afternoon he would bring his violin and teach the children singing, hear them read and recite, and read for them himself…[34]
The most unique aspect of Craven’s different way of teaching can be seen in the second part of the excerpt.  Here one can see Craven is introducing the arts to his students through the use of music.  It would not have been uncommon for schools in both the country and cities during the late nineteenth century to be giving way for new practices of teaching.  Though they were leaning music, Craven was still teaching the students of the Twentieth School reading and proper elocution, only he is doing so in an unconventional way.
            As the nineteenth century drew to a close, educators began to be confronted with new intellectual developments, especially in the form of Darwinian science.[35]  Two major innovators were Johann Pestalozzi and Friedrich Frobel.  Being influenced by Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Pestalozzi believed that a child’s development must be done in “accordance with nature,”[36] meaning that students would excel if they were taught “how to learn” rather than by “accumulating facts” and developing “blind obedience.”[37]  Froebel was believed that the best way for children to learn was in the form of playing and doing, and was showed this in 1841 by creating the world’s first kindergarten.[38]  Though Froebel’s ideas were seen as “too radical” by educators in the early eighteenth century, Ontario James L. Hughes took Froebel’s idea’s for kindergarten and applied it to the world of mass schooling.[39]  Hughes believed that Kindergarten would introduce children to group learning and allow for “self-activity.”[40]
            Though parents and educators supported the introduction of more active learning, there was still a concern for an “appropriate relationship between schooling and work.”[41] This led to the introduction of manual training, domestic sciences and vocational and technical education.  Both traditional educators and Froebelian reformers supported this introduction because it combined the development of hand-eye coordination and the strengthening of certain brain elements that contributed to “orderly, precise, and analytical thinking.”[42]  Manual training classes were, however, directed toward boys as it was expected for them to ultimately “work in industrial occupations.”[43]  This expectation of young men soon caused female educators to argue for the introduction of classes that addressed female students.  The belief was that industrial living had drawn women from the homes and interrupted their domestic education.[44]  The only remedy was for schools to educate women in the ways of “food chemistry, needlework, cooking, and home management,” this would make “mothers and wives more competent” in their role in the household.[45]
            Though the introductions of new subjects into the curriculum proved beneficial for students, it was difficult for the teacher.  Many teachers did not welcome the reforms because they had not been consulted nor forewarned about the changes to the school programs and felt overwhelmed by the suddenly new demands put upon them.[46]  As they were not provided with proper instructions for these new courses, many teachers chose not to cover these new subjects, citing that as long as “the central authorities did not provide proper instruction manuals or opportunities or teacher retraining.”[47]  Meanwhile, the central authorities were anticipating on this reaction, some such as Marta Danylewycz and Alison Prentice believed that those in charge expected the older teachers to leave and be replaced by new teachers fresh out of normal school.[48]
Conclusion
            In conclusion, the one-room school house reveals what education was like in rural Ontario and the changes in the provinces approach to education.  Teachers had to ensure that they taught their students a well-rounded range of subjects, which would have been tested by the trusties of the school.  If the students failed the examinations, the teacher in question’s reputation could be put at risk.  Teachers resorted to numerous approaches in order to keep students in line.  In some ways it could be done positively by simply pointing out to the student that they should not be acting so negatively, such as the case of Archibald Munro, or, more commonly, through the use of corporal punishment, like the new master.  In Glengarry, John Craven was able to introduce new methods to teaching to the Twentieth school and was able a more entertaining way of learning.  Therefore, by examining the teaching methods, types of disciple and changes in education, one can see how the one-room schoolhouse does serve as an example of the development of education in the province of Ontario.

Bibliography
Axelrod, Paul. "No Longer a ‘Last Resort’: The End of Corporal Punishment in the Schools of Toronto." Canadian Historical Review 91, no. 2 (June 2010): 261-285. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed October 17, 2013).
------. The Promise of Schooling: Education in Canada, 1800-1914. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2003.
Connor, Ralph. Glengarry School Days: A Story of early days in Glengarry. Toronto: McCellend and Stewart Ltd., 2009.
Danylewycz, Marta, and Alison Prentice. "Teachers' Work: Changing Patterns and Perceptions in the Emerging School Systems of Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-Century Central Canada." In Labour / Le Travail, 59-80. n.p.: Athabasca University Press, 1986. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed October 17, 2013).
Gaffield, Chad. "Children, Schooling, and Family Reproduction in Nineteenth-Century Ontario." Canadian Historical Review 72, no. 2 (June 1991): 157-191. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed October 18, 2013).
Walsh, Patrick. "Education and the 'universalist' idiom of empire: Irish National School Books in Ireland and Ontario." History Of Education 37, no. 5 (September 2008): 645-660. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed October 18, 2013).




[1] Paul Axelrod, The Promise of Schooling: Education in Canada, 1800-1914, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2003), 53.
[2] Ibid., 57.
[3] Axelrod, The Promise of Schooling, 57.
[4] Ibid.
[5] Ibid.
[6] Ralph Connor, Glengarry School Days: A Story of early days in Glengarry, (Toronto: McCellend and Stewart Ltd., 2009), 3.
[7] Ibid., 2.
[8] Patrick Walsh, "Education and the 'universalist' idiom of empire: Irish National School Books in Ireland and Ontario," History Of Education 37, no. 5 (September 2008): 655, Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost.
[9] Ibid, 648.
[10] Ibid.
[11] Axelrod, The Promise of Schooling, 53.
[12] Chad Gaffield, "Children, Schooling, and Family Reproduction in Nineteenth-Century Ontario," Canadian Historical Review 72, no. 2 (June 1991): 173, Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost.
[13] Ibid.
[14] Connor, 23.
[15] Ibid, 25-26.
[16] Axelrod, The Promise of Schooling, 58.
[17] Ibid., 59.
[18] Connor, 2.
[19] Ibid.
[20] Ibid, 3.
[21] Ibid., 68.
[22] Ibid., 69.
[23] Ibid., 70.
[24] Ibid, 70-71.
[25] Paul Axelrod, "No Longer a ‘Last Resort’: The End of Corporal Punishment in the Schools of Toronto," Canadian Historical Review 91, no. 2 (June 2010): 265, Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost.
[26] Ibid.
[27] Ibid.
[28] Axelrod, “No Longer a ‘Last Resort’,” 266.
[29] Ibid.
[30] Ibid.
[31] Ibid.
[32] Connor, 75.
[33] Ibid., 159.
[34] Connor, 160.
[35] Axelrod, The Promise of Schooling, 105.
[36] Ibid.
[37] Ibid.
[38] Ibid.
[39] Ibid, 106.
[40] Ibid.
[41] Ibid.
[42] Ibid.
[43] Ibid.
[44] Ibid.
[45] Ibid.
[46] Marta Danylewycz and Alison Prentice, "Teachers' Work: Changing Patterns and Perceptions in the Emerging School Systems of Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-Century Central Canada," in Labour / Le Travail, 65. n.p.: Athabasca University Press, 1986, Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost.
[47] Ibid.
[48] Ibid.

Monday, 2 January 2017

The Government Game with the Canadian Wolf: A Profile on Newfoundland’s Journey to Joining Canada

Source: http://countries.wikia.com/wiki/Dominion_of_Newfoundland

The Government Game with the Canadian Wolf: A Study on Newfoundland’s Journey to Joining Canada
 Introduction
           Confederation was an important step for Canada to enter nationhood as it allowed for both the United Province Canada and the Atlantic colonies to join and enter dominionhood.  Though most of the British Atlantic colonies joined Canada by the end of the nineteenth century, Newfoundland remained on its own separate dominion.  During the 1930s, Newfoundland lost its independent government due to the state of its economy during the Great Depression and had a commission government that the British Government controlled.  The booming economy that came with the advent of the Second World War prompted the British government to consider ending the Commission Government and led to the referendum of 1948.  During the campaign leading up to the referendum, personalities such as Joseph “Joey” Smallwood of the Confederate Association and Major Peter Cashin of the Responsible Government League fought hard to gain public support to either return to responsible government or the joining the Canadian dominion to the west.  Newfoundland’s entry into Confederation differs from its fellow Atlantic provinces as it moved from being a dominion to a colony but when given the choice, it chose to become a part of Canada.
Part 1: Post-War Domionhood
            Since the end of the First World War, Newfoundland faced economic difficulties alongside the Atlantic-Canadian provinces as it moved into the inner-war period.  Between 1921 and 1923, numerous businesses declared bankruptcy while the fishing industry reported growing losses in exports.[1]  The growing unemployment led to mass immigration, growing to as high as 1,000 to 1,500 people annually.[2]  At the same time the National government collapsed, splitting into factions, and was replaced in 1919 by a coalition government between the Fisherman’s Protective Union under William Croaker and Richard Square’s Liberal Party.[3]
            The coalition failed to address the growing Post-war debt and continued spending, pulling the dominion into further economic hardship through projects such as purchasing Newfoundland’s railway.[4]  To address the growing economic crisis, the Squires-Croaker administration attempted relief and development projects, relying on loans to raise the funds instead of taxation.[5]  The constant spending meant more budget deficits, causing the national debt to continue to grow while eating away at Newfoundland’s revenue, reaching as much as forty percent in 1927.[6]  What made matters worse was mismanagement by the government, leading to claims of carelessness and corruption, culminating in 1923 when the Squires-Croaker coalition collapsed after allegations arose of Squires receiving bribes from the Bell Island mining companies and profiting from the Board of Liquor Control by converting it into a bootlegging operation.[7]
            Squires returned to power in 1928 promising “industrial development and balanced budgets.”[8]  Over the course of Squire’s term, revenue in Newfoundland had fallen twenty-one percent while spending went up seven percent.[9]  The continuous spending as revenue continued to fall caused the national debt to increase by twenty-three percent, taking sixty percent of government spending to tackle it.[10]  The Newfoundland government even attempted to sell Labrador for 110 million dollars when bank loans became too difficult to secure![11]  By 1932, Squires’ Liberal government fell out of power in the general election, replaced by the Conservatives under Frederick Charles Alderdice.[12]  The Alderdice and the rest of the Conservatives argued in the dominion parliament that the best solution for Newfoundland would be to partially default on the debt.  The governments in Canada and Britain became concerned when word reached Ottawa and London of Alderdice’s plans.  Both governments offered, after some petitioning by Alderdice, to assist in paying Newfoundland’s debt, and in exchange, a royal commission would investigate and advise on planning for a long-term solution.[13]
            Lord Amulree’s commission began its investigation in the spring of 1933.[14]  During the hearings, witnesses ranging from politicians, businessmen, newspaper editors to even some trade union leaders, who all argued that the main cause of the economic crisis was due to negligence by the government in managing the borrowed funds by squandering it away for personal use.[15]  The Commission published its findings in the fall of that same year, concluding that mismanagement had allowed Newfoundland’s debt crisis to worsen to the point where its government required assistance.[16]  The Amulree Commission recommended, with influence by the British Government, that the democratically elected government was unfit to run Newfoundland’s affairs and a commission government be installed instead, demoting Newfoundland back to colonial status.[17]  Due to the growing economic difficulties, Newfoundland’s elected assembly met and voted itself out of power to allow for the setup of a Commission, which took place in February 1933.[18]
Part 2: Wartime Commission and where to go after the war
            The Commission Government ran Newfoundland’s affairs for the rest of the 1930s and throughout the Second World War.  It consisted of three British and three Newfoundland commissioners who answered to a British-appointed governor.[19]  During the Second World War, the limitations of power in the Commission Government became truly apparent when the United States army began to appear in Newfoundland.  In September 1940, Britain’s wartime Prime Minister Winston Churchill and American President Franklin Roosevelt agreed that in exchange for fifty destroyers and military supplies, the United States would receive the right to lease base sites in Newfoundland, Bermuda, and the Caribbean for ninety-nine years.[20]  Newfoundland had a strategic advantage of being directly across from Britain and Europe and therefore was perfect for stationing troops.[21]
            Though Churchill insisted that the agreement was for “the sake of the [British] Empire” and Newfoundland should accept the Leased Bases Agreement of July 1941 for that very reason, Newfoundlanders felt as if their homeland invaded and they were unable to prevent it as the Commission government also had little choice but to support the agreement.[22]  Newfoundlanders watched as Americans built bases at St. John’s, Argentia, Stephenville and part of St. John’s harbour, while up to 10,000 Americans and over 6,000 Canadians appeared in Newfoundland and Labrador over the course of the war.[23] 
            Though unsatisfied with the situation, Newfoundlanders discovered economic improvements during the Second World War.  The staple of the Newfoundland’s economy, fishing, saw an explosion in value to 230 percent and its salt fish exports tripled from 4.1 million to 16.7 million dollars during the war.[24]  Militarization of Newfoundland also helped the colony’s wartime economy by providing work with regular salaries for both those who enlisted in the military and those who entered the jobs created in building military bases.[25]  By 1943, it boasted a surplus of eleven million.[26]  Despite the economic boom brought on by the Second World War, the living conditions of Newfoundlanders was still poor.  Roy Argyle notes in his article “Schemes and Dreams: The Mission of Joey Smallwood – the Newfoundland Referendums of 1948” that in 1948, Newfoundland had “only ninety-four miles of paved road, was served by just one hundred and forty-four doctors and seventeen dentists and had the highest rate of tuberculosis in North America.”[27]  At the same time, the colony could provide little for its residents, being able to provide pensioners with only one hundred twenty dollars a year.[28]
            Considering what Argyle notes in his article, it is easy to understand the hesitation by the British government to restore Newfoundland its independent status, despite there being some improvement.  From his visit to Newfoundland in September 1942, the British Deputy Prime Minister Clement Atlee concluded that the colony would face economic and social difficulties after the war, believing that if Britain wanted to end its colonial rule over Newfoundland, it would have to phase it out gradually.[29]  In addition, Atlee dismissed the idea of confederation, as it was “unlikely to be acceptable of public opinion in either country.”[30]  When approached with the possibly of adding a tenth province to the Dominion, Canadian Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King – in his usual round-about way – explained that Canada would give the “most sympathetic consideration” when the matter came before him in 1943.  His assessment of Newfoundland, however, was valid, especially when the Canadian High Commissioner Hugh L. Kenneyside travelled to St. John’s in 1941 and reported that most were concerned about the return of popular government while no one was openly advocating for confederation.[31]
            Things began to be set in motion when the British Dominion Office began to develop a reconstruction plan for Newfoundland.  A ten-year recovery program with a one hundred million dollar loan from the British government to help providing Newfoundland with developing social programs during post-war reconstruction.[32]  Despite the plans developing, the Dominion Office was hesitant to go ahead with the reconstruction package as they feared a repeat of 1933 and believed that any amount of aid would make Newfoundland dependent on the British government.[33]  Sir Peter Clutterbuck, Britain’s High Commissioner to Canada, proposed that an elected national convention would meet to discuss the possible options for Newfoundland and then present them to the people of Newfoundland to vote in a referendum.[34]  On 11 December 1945, the newly elected Prime Minister Clement Atlee announced that a convention would be set up to discuss and recommend to George VI of Britain before being presented to the people of Newfoundland for referendum.[35]
Part 3: The Campaign
            On September 11, 1946, the National Convention met for the first time in the Lower Chamber of the Colonial Building.[36]  Of the small group of elected Confederate members was a pig farmer and radio broadcaster named Joseph “Joey” Smallwood and a lawyer-turned-outport-businessman and former member of Squires’ final administration named Gordon Bradley.  Though apart of the Newfoundland elite (who were largely anti-Confederate), Smallwood was more interested in bringing the convention around to supporting his position of having Newfoundland join Confederation, an option that had gained both the support of the newly appointed governor to Newfoundland, Sir Gordon Macdonald, and Atlee.[37]
            As the Convention entered March 1947, the members agreed that delegates would meet also in London, England, and Ottawa, Canada, to discuss the matter.[38]  Smallwood and Bradley were both successful in convincing Mackenzie King and the Canadian government to create financial terms of union including inclusion in Canada’s infant welfare system.[39]  With Canadian support, Smallwood was now able to concentrate on convincing the convention to add Confederation to the ballot for the referendum.  On January 16, 1948, Smallwood presented to the Convention a motion for Confederation.[40]  After an all-night session on January 27 and 28, the Convention voted against Smallwood’s motion and have only responsible government and commission on the ballot but was over ruled by the British government.[41]
            The campaign for both referendums pitted Smallwood and the Confederate Association against the Responsible Government League headed by Major Peter Cashin with the backing of Newfoundland’s merchant elite.  While Smallwood had been in the public eye as a radio broadcaster, Cashin was renowned in Newfoundland for not only serving as a major in the Newfoundland Regiment but for also serving in the Alderdice government as the Minister of Finance before the arrival of the Commission government in 1934.[42]  Since his election to the National Convention in 1942, Cashin pushed for responsible government and resorted to the use of newspaper editorials to argue against Confederation by claiming that heavy Canadian taxation would not be worth any of the social programs offered by Canada.[43]  The typical message presented by the Anti-Confederates often played on nationalist tones, using cultural symbols and images to evoke a sense of a Newfoundland national identity.[44]  Across Newfoundland, Anti-Confederates sang out against the prospect of joining Canada, crying out: “Our face toward Britain, our back to the gulf / Come near at your peril, Canadian wolf.”[45]
            Though the backers of Cashin and Responsible Government League were wealthier than Smallwood and the Confederate Association, they suffered from disunity, especially when arguing the alternative to Confederation with Canada.  In November 1947, a new group emerged among the Anti-Confederates pushing for Newfoundland to enter the custody of the United States.[46]  The stationing of Americans during the Second World War had appealed to some Newfoundlanders.  Some of the wealthy Anti-Confederate members, such as the powerful Crosbie clan, had hoped that American ownership would mean security and modernization in a way that Canada could not provide.[47]
            Smallwood tackled the fight for Confederation in two ways.  First, he played on the religious divisions in Newfoundland.  Roman Catholics were notoriously against joining Canada.[48]  The Archbishop of Newfoundland, Edward Patrick Roche, argued that joining Canada would mean that Catholic life was in jeopardy with Canadian Protestant morality of divorce and mixed marriage.[49]  Smallwood spoke before Orange Lodges, grouping Catholics and Anti-Confederates together as disloyal Britain and that Confederation was a part of a British Union.[50]  In this way, Smallwood hoped to scare the largely Protestant population into supporting Confederation, as it would be patriotically British.
            Secondly and more successfully, Smallwood presented the benefits of joining with Canada.  Both Smallwood and Bradly reminded Newfoundlanders of the hardships caused by a corrupt and irresponsible dominion government, arguing that the new social programs introduced by the Canadian government would mean a better Newfoundland.[51]  One example of this is in the use of children in Confederate propaganda, as noted by Karen Stanbridge’s article “Framing Children in the Newfoundland Confederation Debate, 1948”.  One of the social programs introduced was the Family Allowance, or baby bonus, which served to assist families in Canada with the cost of raising children.[52]  During the campaign, Confederates argued that the programs like the Family Allowance would make it possible for Newfoundland to flourish and painted the image of happy and healthy children living in Newfoundland thanks to the baby bonus.[53]  In this way, voting for Confederation in the referendum would mean that there would be security and support for Newfoundlanders present and future rather than living in poverty under a corrupt dominion government.
Part 4: Referendum and Results
            In conclusion, the first referendum occurred on 3 June 1948.[54]  The results from this were indecisive with responsible government receiving 44.6 percent, Confederation 41.1 percent, and Commission 14.3 percent.[55]  The closeness of the results prompted for a second vote on July 22.[56]  The second referendum was more clear, namely because Confederation and responsible government were the only two options, the former receiving 52.2 percent and the latter 47.7 percent.[57]  By the end of 1948, Newfoundland’s terms of union came into agreement and on March 31, 1949, it became Canada’s tenth province.[58]  While Bradley became Newfoundland’s first federal representative, Smallwood became the first premier in 1949 and remained until 1971.[59]
Closing Remarks
            Newfoundland’s emergence as a Canadian province in 1949 differs from that of its fellow Atlantic members due to its move from dominion to province.  For years, Newfoundland had been able to live alongside Canada as a separate entity but poor management by the dominion government led to Newfoundland losing its independence and re-entering colonialhood under the British Empire.  The installed Commission government did not answer to the people of Newfoundland but to Britain, who instilled policies such as the Leased Bases Agreement despite objection from Newfoundlanders during the 1930s and 1940s.  The Second World War allowed Newfoundland’s economy to improve and convince the British government that there was a chance that a return to responsible government could happen, though there was some concern of Newfoundland returning to the brink of bankruptcy.  The efforts by Joey Smallwood and Gordon Bradley paved the way for Newfoundland to enter Confederation.  Therefore, the story of Newfoundland is one of entering provincialhood after failure as a dominion and lack of satisfaction as a colony.



Bibliography
Argyle, Roy. “Schemes and Dreams: The Mission of Joey Smallwood – the Newfoundland Referendums of 1948”. In Turning Points: The Campaigns that Changes Canada, 2004 and Before, edited by Ray Argyle, 271-296. Toronto: White Knight Publications, 2004.
“Choosing the ‘Canadian wolf.’ (Cover story)”. Maclean's 112, no. 26 (July 1999): 36. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed January 22, 2015).
Conrad, Margret R. and James K. Hiller. Atlantic Canada: A History.  Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2010.7
Fox, C.J. “‘A glorified stall’”. Beaver 76, no. 4 (August 1996): 22. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed January 22, 2015).
Holland, Robert. "Newfoundland and the Pattern of British Decolonization" Newfoundland and Labrador Studies [Online], Volume 14 Number 2 (10 October 1998) (accessed February 23, 2015).
Jones, Frederick. "Canada and Newfoundland--unlikely partners in confederation." Round Table 82, no. 325 (January 1993): 65.Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed February 19, 2015).
McCann, Phillip. “British Policy and Confederation.” Newfoundland and Labrador Studies [Online], Volume 14 Number 2 (10 October 1998) (accessed February 23, 2014).
Overton, James. “Economic Crisis and the End of Democracy: Politics in Newfoundland During the Great Depression”. Labour / Le Travail 26, (Fall 1990): 85-124. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed January 22, 2015).
Stanbridge, Karen. “Framing Children in the Newfoundland Confederation Debate, 1948.” Canadian Journal of Sociology 32, no. 2 (Spring 2007): 177-201. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed February 19, 2015).


ENDNOTES

[1] Margret R. Conrad and James K. Hiller, Atlantic Canada: A History, (Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2010), 190.
[2] Ibid.
[3] Ibid., 190.
[4] Conrad and Hiller, 190.
[5] James Overton, “Economic Crisis and the End of Democracy: Politics in Newfoundland During the Great Depression”, Labour / Le Travail 26, (Fall90 1990), Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed January 22, 2015), 95.
[6] Ibid.
[7] Conrad and Hiller, 191.
[8] Ibid., 195; Overton, 96.
[9] Conrad and Hiller, 195.
[10] Ibid.; Overton, 103.
[11] Conrad and Hiller, 195.
[12] Ibid.; Overton, 96.
[13] Conrad and Hiller, 196; Roy Argyle, “Schemes and Dreams: The Mission of Joey Smallwood – the Newfoundland Referendums of 1948”, in Turning Points: The Campaigns that Changes Canada, 2004 and Before, edited by Ray Argyle, (Toronto: White Knight Publications, 2004), 275.
[14] Overton, 113.
[15] Ibid.; Conrad and Hiller, 196.
[16] Ibid.
[17] Conrad and Hiller, 196; Overton, 116; Argyle, 275.
[18] Conrad and Hiller, 196; Argyle, 275.
[19] Phillip McCann, “British Policy and Confederation,” Newfoundland and Labrador Studies [Online], Volume 14 Number 2 (10 October 1998) (accessed February 23, 2014), 155.
[20] Conrad and Hiller, 205.
[21] Ibid.; “Choosing the ‘Canadian wolf.’ (Cover story)”, Maclean's 112, no. 26 (July 1999), Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed January 22, 2015), 36.
[22] Ibid.; Robert Holland, “Newfoundland and the Pattern of British Decolonization,” Newfoundland and Labrador Studies [Online], Volume 14 Number 2 (10 October 1998) (accessed February 23, 2015), 148; Argyle, 275.
[23] Conrad and Hiller, 205; Argyle, 275.
[24] Ibid.; Argyle 275.
[25] Conrad and Hiller.
[26] McCann, 157.
[27] Argyle, 275.
[28] Ibid.
[29] McCann, 155.
[30] Ibid.
[31] Argyle, 276.
[32] Frederick Jones, “Canada and Newfoundland--unlikely partners in confederation”, Round Table 82, no. 325 (January 1993), Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed February 19, 2015), 65; McCann, 156.
[33] McCann, 157.
[34] Ibid.
[35] McCann, 164.
[36] Argyle, 281.
[37] Ibid.; Conrad and Hiller, 213.
[38] Argyle, 281.
[39] Jones, 156.
[40] Argyle, 283.
[41] Ibid.; Jones, 156; Conrad and Hiller, 213.
[42] Argyle, 287.
[43] Ibid.
[44] Karen Stanbridge, “Framing Children in the Newfoundland Confederation Debate, 1948”, Canadian Journal Of Sociology 32, no. 2 (Spring2007 2007), Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed February 19, 2015), 189.
[45] Argyle, 274
[46] Ibid., 287; Jones, 156;
[47] C.J. Fox, “‘A glorified stall’”, Beaver 76, no. 4 (August 1996), Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed January 22, 2015), 22.
[48] Argyle, 289; Conrad and Hiller, 214.
[49] Argyle, 289.
[50] Ibid., 289; Conrad and Hiller, 214.
[51] Stanbridge, 183.
[52] Ibid.
[53] Ibid.
[54] Argyle, 271.
[55] Ibid.
[56] Argyle, 271.
[57] Ibid., “’Choosing the Canadian Wolf’”, 36.
[58] Conrad and Hiller, 295.
[59] Ibid.; Argyle, 295.